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During this period, Parks and her family suffered greatly. They were the targets of daily harassment and threatening phone calls. Both she and her husband lost their jobs, and they struggled financially for nearly 10 years following the bus boycott. Raymond’s drinking grew worse; still, Parks always said her husband was her partner in all things. When she took her husband to a psychiatrist after he suffered a nervous breakdown, she was told that she should give up her civil work; the psychiatrist believed that Raymond suffered from being married to such a strong-willed woman. She developed severe stomach ulcers and insomnia. Once, when asked whether the stance she took was worth it, considering everything she endured, Parks hesitated, stating that she would have preferred for her life to maintain some normalcy while winning desegregation.
Throughout the chapter, Theoharis points to various organizations and individuals and their failure to take responsibility for Parks’s plight. The NAACP did not embrace the boycott, even though many believed it was backing the cause. The NAACP was far more successful at fundraising than the MIA, but neither organization assisted Parks nor offered her a job. While struggling economically herself, she volunteered for the MIA, where she helped Black men and women find jobs. She also traveled around the country for speaking engagements, raising money for the MIA and, subsequently, the NAACP. Parks did not profit financially from her speaking; she was usually not paid for these engagements, although she was sometimes offered a small fee, but she turned all the money over for the cause. However, in Montgomery, she was largely ignored. Nixon and King spoke to the crowds while Parks sat in the background. Her longtime friend Virginia Durr spoke out against those who benefited from Parks’s courage and devotion to the cause while simultaneously ignoring her need.
In June 1956, the Browder v. Gayle case ruled that the “separate but equal” decision, outlined in Plessy v. Ferguson, applied also to Montgomery bus transport. Parks felt this landmark case was still a drop in the bucket of what was needed to challenge and change the status quo. The decision brought an increase in violence in the city. Churches were bombed, and King was targeted. Parks’s political activism made her a perfect target for red-baiting, or attacking someone as a suspected communist, which was a common strategy used against civil rights activists in the era. Raymond’s declining mental state, Rosa’s deteriorating health, and her mother’s desire to move closer to her son led the Parks family to the decision to move to Detroit. Their situation was slightly improved in the new city, but Parks missed her identity as an activist and professional, and the family still suffered financially. Numerous national press organizations published articles describing the plight of the woman who played such a significant role in the civil rights movement. Finally, the NAACP responded, paying for an expensive medical bill to avoid public scrutiny for ignoring her needs. Parks was repeatedly offered only small donations that she stretched for as long as she could. What she wanted more than anything was a job. In March 1965, Congressman John Conyers offered her a job as administrative assistant, sparking for her a new wave of political activism.
Theoharis highlights the myriad ways the North, despite its boasting of the opposite, perpetuated segregation and the mistreatment of Black people just as the South did. Parks called Detroit “the northern promised land that wasn’t” and shared in interviews that her experiences in the city were not that different from her time in Montgomery (166). She was keenly aware of the existing segregation and discrimination in the northern city of Detroit, and she worked hard to fight against it. However, her interviewers wanted only to hear about her time in Montgomery. By fixating the nation’s attention on the South, the North was able to let segregation continue unchecked.
The promise of good jobs brought many Black Southerners to Detroit, although the rumor of these jobs was inflated compared to reality. Automation diminished the number of positions available. While Black Southerners moved in, white Detroiters moved to the suburbs. Despite the Supreme Court’s ruling that the courts could not enforce covenants that allowed homeowners and neighbors to enact strict racial requirements, the law left several loopholes for continuing the practice. Black residents of Detroit were, on average, far poorer than their white counterparts, but they paid much more for housing that was of worse quality. Schools were segregated, as were restaurants and hospitals. Some of the greatest injustices came at the hands of police officers. Black residents were underrepresented in the police force and highly targeted by law enforcement. The city refused to examine the structures that allowed segregation to persist. Theoharis also points to the NAACP’s complacency and unwillingness to take a stronger stance, mirroring the organization’s approach to the bus boycott in Montgomery.
Parks saw all these issues clearly. Her work for Conyers gave her the opportunity to speak with numerous Detroit residents and to advocate for the needs of his constituents. Parks brought King to Detroit to endorse Conyers, and she worked tirelessly on his campaign. Because of her, Conyers took the seat as the sixth Black person to serve in the House of Representatives. Conyers hired Parks full time, and she became an asset to the team. Although she worked for Conyers, she continued her own education, reading voraciously and pursuing personal political interests. After watching the experiences of marchers on Edmund Pettus Bridge, Parks decided to join the march and spoke to the crowd.
Parks returned to a Detroit that she saw was just as rife with racism as the American South. The city’s continued disregard for the issues boiling just under its surface culminated in a 1967 uprising. Because Black business owners struggled to get the permissions needed to open, and because many bars and venues were closed to Black patrons, those working late shifts at the Detroit factories relied on illegal bars called “blind pigs” to unwind. In April 1967, many people were gathered to celebrate the return from Vietnam of two soldiers when the police attempted to close the event. The patrons refused to leave, and the small gathering exploded. At its peak, the riot covered 14 square miles. Forty-three people died, and hundreds were injured. Police offers took brutal measures against the frustrated protesters. Raymond’s barbershop and his new car were vandalized and destroyed, and he suffered from another nervous breakdown. As his wife tried to drive him to the hospital, law enforcement harassed the couple. Some historians suggest that Parks was opposed to the violent nature of the protests, but interviews with her reveal that she understood exactly why the 1967 uprising took place.
Chapter 5 explored in detail the theme of “The Cost of Activism.” Parks’s story did not end with her decision on December 1, 1955. She paid for that decision for the rest of her life. Even in her elderly years living in Detroit, she was still subjected to harassment and death threats. Her health and the health of her family suffered. However, it is important to note that these outcomes were not a result of her action but were the reactions of others to her activism. White supremacy dictated levels of abuse and harassment that contributed to Parks’s financial struggles and health. The NAACP and the MIA also failed to acknowledge her contributions to the movement or to provide her with a paid position for the work she was already doing for free for the organizations. Parks’s fame took her all over the country on speaking engagements, yet the money she made on these trips went directly into the accounts of the organizations. Meanwhile, she struggled to pay her bills and to afford much-needed medical care.
Parks knew that her decision on December 1 would have major ramifications for herself and her family, because she spent her entire life enduring mistreatment and the cost of being Black in a segregated and racist society. When Nixon spoke to her and her husband about the possibility of pursuing legal justice, they both knew what this meant. Raymond was an activist when Parks met him. They were forced to weigh the possibility of contributing to change and the reality of what that would mean for their family and their safety.
These costs forced Parks into a position of moving to Detroit. She and her husband could not find work, and the reputation rooted in her activism followed her everywhere. Raymond’s health was declining, and his drinking was worsening. Although they saw moving to Detroit as the opportunity for a fresh start, the family found that the media’s concentration on Southern politics allowed Northern discrimination to thrive by deflecting attention from it. Parks explained that she did not see much difference between Michigan and Alabama. Still, the press wanted to focus only on her connection to the Southern movement: Reporters were not interested in what she had to say about the injustices she saw in Detroit or the realities of her activism in her new city.
The belief that the North was somehow better and far more advanced in regard to racial politics was a myth that provided further evidence of how the civil rights movement was depicted in line with a series of fables rather than in a way that reflected an understanding of a complex reality. Parks witnessed the problems with the housing market and treatment of workers in her community, as Black workers struggled to make house payments that were far higher than those of their white counterparts for houses that were of much lower quality. Reality and representation were starkly different, contributing to the theme of “The Narrative of Rosa Parks and the Civil Rights Movement.” The fable suggested that the North had everything figured out, and racism was a Southern problem. The reality was that Rosa paid dearly for her activism, and the North was also culpable.
Because the racism of Northerners was underreported, Detroit’s white leaders did not see the 1967 uprising coming. Politicians bought into the fable of the contentment of Detroit workers. After all, this was not the South. They believed things were better in the North. The fable allowed the media, law enforcement, and civic authorities to be surprised when trouble boiled to the surface—but Parks was not shocked by the violence. Her experiences with systemic racism, red-baiting, Klan violence, and media mythologizing made her particularly equipped to understand the disparities between myth and reality. Parks keenly understood the hardship, struggle, and fatigue that lay continually just below the surface for Black people who were abused by an unjust and exploitative power structure.
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