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By telling the “stories of ordinary people whose lives were overturned by extraordinary events” (14), showing the diverse trajectories of loyalist refugees, and tracing points of commonality and contrast to discern key themes of the loyalist diaspora as a single phenomenon, Jasanoff shows “the worldwide consequences of the revolution in a completely new way” (11). Her book sets a precedent for other historians undertaking the neglected study of the loyalist diaspora as a global phenomenon that profoundly influenced the British Empire.
The author contextualizes her scholarship distinctly within the scantness of similar research; her work is fulfilling an unmet historiographic need. A handful of previous “studies have looked at specific figures and sites within this migration,” but “the international displacement of loyalists during and after the war has never been described in full” (10). Ideological reasons contributed to this paucity of research. American historians emphasized the role of patriots in the American Revolution as victors and gave little attention to their loyalist counterparts, whose stories “fell outside the bounds of American national narratives” (10). British historians considered the loyalist diaspora a reminder of an embarrassing defeat. Canadian historians have done more to study loyalists, but in ways that conflated loyalists with Canadian conservatives, which “reaffirmed the ‘tory’ stereotype and may well have contributed to later scholarly neglect” (10).
There is also a practical reason scholars have neglected the subject. Primary sources comprising the extant evidence of the diaspora are scattered across archives worldwide, often inaccessible to past researchers. It is only with new developments in technology that Jasanoff’s book has become possible, a fact underscoring the nascency of such scholarship. The internet allows researchers to “search library catalogues and databases around the world at the touch of a button” and peruse “digitized rare books and documents” online (10). Also, travel is faster and more affordable than ever before. Jasanoff explains that she “visited archives in every major loyalist destination to find refugees’ own accounts” and develop the capacity to detail the myriad stories of the loyalist diaspora (16). As “the first global history of the loyalist diaspora” (8), this book sets out to tell the varied stories of loyalists who left America during and after the Revolutionary War, and thereby uncover broader patterns and influences of the worldwide exodus.
Loyalist refugees and their ideals shaped British imperial history. The diaspora ushered in a “remarkable period of transition for the British Empire” (11). As “loyalists landed in every corner of the British Empire” (10), they spread distinctly American ideas throughout the world.
One overwhelmingly underappreciated feature of the loyalist diaspora is its diversity. Loyalists, while “often stereotyped as members of a small conservative elite” (8), were widely varied in terms of race, class, and ideology. By telling the stories of individual loyalist refugees, Jasanoff explores this diversity while nevertheless searching for a “consistent pattern” in the experiences of different people in the diaspora (349).
First, “not all loyalists were white” (8). The British military offered freedom to patriot-owned enslaved people who defected to the British military in the Dunmore Proclamation of 1775. Approximately 20,000 of these individuals took this offer, including David George and Boston King, described in this book. Enslavers occasionally freed those whom they enslaved, such as George Liele, who then agreed to a term of servitude with a loyalist planter to buy his family’s freedom. Native Americans also supported the loyalist cause, including Mohawk and Creek people. The British Proclamation of 1763, resented by American colonists, banned settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains, encouraging Native support for the British in the Revolutionary War (36-37). Native leaders such as Mohawk Joseph Brant decided the British offered Native people the best chance at retaining their land and autonomy.
Loyalist refugees also came from all economic classes. Most refugees were working-class, such as the settlers at Shelburne in Nova Scotia and Saint John in New Brunswick, the latter consciously excluded from nearby aristocratic Fredericton. Wealthy Southern colonists left for the Bahamas and Jamaica because the people they enslaved were “a very special kind of property, at once portable, valuable, and alive” (69). However, enslavers often had more difficulty fitting into local economies than skilled professionals. Physician William Johnston and printer Alexander Aikman prospered in Jamaica while loyalist enslavers who settled on the island had difficulty profiting due to labor surpluses and lack of arable land. A portion of loyalists were quite wealthy, including Beverley Robinson and Isaac Low, who lost fortunes fleeing New York.
Another mistaken stereotype Jasanoff addresses is the idea that loyalists were both un-American in spirit and indiscriminately devoted to Britain. Contrary to the word’s present connotations of fanaticism, “American loyalists were certainly not unblinking followers of British rule” (11). In fact, the one thing they all had in common was their choice to remain loyal to the British monarchy. Jasanoff emphasizes “how varied a role ideology might play in their decision-making” (8). Anglican missionary Jacob Bailey remained a loyalist because he had taken a sacred vow to King George III. Joseph Galloway advocated significant reforms to the relationship between the British and colonial governments short of revolution. Ordinary people often chose loyalty due to circumstances; for example, Thomas Brown formed the much-feared King’s Rangers loyalist militia after a brutal assault by a patriot mob. Others, such as Beverley Robinson, deliberated for years over which side to back; he defied the advice of his patriot friend John Jay and formed a loyalist militia two years into the Revolutionary War. Still other loyalists, such as the Native Americans and enslaved people who supported the British military, chose the British side for purely practical reasons.
Approximately 60,000 free loyalists and 15,000 enslaved—about 1 in 40 Americans—left America during and after the American Revolution. Loyalism cut across all demographics, and loyalists were “every bit as ‘American’ as their patriot fellow subjects” (8).
American political commentators since Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) have described the effects of the American Revolution in terms of the “spirit of 1776,” which spread values of liberty and equality around the world. However, exploring the varied lives of loyalist refugees, Jasanoff discerns a set of patterns in the diaspora that she calls the “spirit of 1783,” a similar but distinct set of values, transmitted to the world not by the example of the United States but by loyalist refugees within the British Empire. Among the text’s central intentions is to illustrate this spirit’s distinctiveness as well as some of its counterintuitive and even paradoxical qualities; the loyalists, despite their loyalty, ultimately challenged the empire.
Jasanoff explains that this spirit “had three major elements” (12). First, the loyalist exodus expanded the British Empire. Second, the diaspora spread a “clarified commitment to liberty and humanitarian ideals” (12). Third, the loyalist diaspora caused British officials to call for an increasingly “centralized, hierarchical government” (13). This authoritarianism caused a backlash in which loyalist refugees “demanded more representation than imperial authorities proved willing to give them” (13).
The exodus of approximately 75,000 American loyalists during and after the Revolutionary War expanded the British Empire. Loyalists served as “both agents and advocates of imperial growth” (12). Loyalist refugees were “pioneer settlers” in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, the Bahamas, and Sierra Leone (12), and bolstered populations in Jamaica and even Britain itself. Loyalists also participated in “ambitious expansionist projects elsewhere in the world” (12), including India, the empire’s most important colonial territory.
The loyalist diaspora promoted a set of humanitarian values consciously distinct from views espoused by American revolutionaries. Colonists wanted to expand west of the Appalachian Mountains, but the British government defended the Proclamation of 1763 that blocked expansion into Native lands. While the Proclamation was not wholly humanitarian and was also deeply motivated by other, self-interested sociopolitical considerations (for example, Britain wanted total control over the colonists, and colonist conflict with Native Americans and French settlers would be exceedingly costly to the British Empire), its ramifications nevertheless benefited Natives and further diversified the loyalist population. For generations, Anglo-American colonists antagonized Native Americans, “produc[ing] excruciatingly savage forms of warfare” and deep fear of Native violence among white settlers (37). In contrast, British officials welcomed Native allies to their cause and even encouraged quasi-independent Native communities such as the settlement created by Mohawk Joseph Brant in what is now Ontario and Muskogee, which William Augustus Bowles attempted to develop among Creek people in Florida.
British officials also undermined the American institution of slavery with Dunmore’s Proclamation of 1775, offering freedom to the enslaved people who joined the British military effort. Again, this Proclamation was motivated by military strategy perhaps more than humanitarian ideals—and, importantly, it offered freedom only to those who would serve Britain—but it nevertheless had a profoundly destabilizing impact on American slavery. Though white loyalist refugees often retained their racism, evidenced by the Nova Scotia race riot of 1784, the British government encouraged Black and Native American loyalists to settle as free people within the British Empire.
Finally, the loyalist diaspora created tension between official and popular ideas about government in British colonies. Wary of potential chaos among loyalist refugees, officials attempted increasingly authoritarian approaches to local administration. For instance, the unrest among loyalist settlers in Nova Scotia in 1784 prompted New Brunswick’s administrators to establish a class-segregated, aristocratic enclave at Fredericton and suppress the political power of working-class loyalists in Saint John. Faced with criticism from a free press and efforts by loyalist planters to control the Bahamian assembly, Dunmore wished to assert martial law. Freetown residents who enthusiastically followed John Clarkson to Sierra Leone later engaged in political insurrection and outright rebellion. The Baptist faith George Liele brought to Jamaica inspired the Baptist War of 1831, in which the enslaved rebelled. In transmitting “political sensibilities from colonial America” throughout the British Empire, “loyalist refugees turned out to be vectors of imperial dissent as conspicuously as they embodied loyal consent” (346).
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